By Eugeniusz Cyran
This publication is an try and show that the elemental rules of phonological association boil all the way down to the interplay among the power of nuclei as licensers of phonological constitution and diverse non-rerankable scales of complexity happening at diversified degrees of phonological illustration. The licensing relation among nuclei and the previous onsets at the one hand, and governing family between consonants, that are to an excellent quantity decided by way of their inner melodic constitution, let us view the phonological illustration as a self-organizing process, which will pr. Read more...
content material: Preface --
1. noticeable complexity --
2. Formal complexity --
three. The phonological constitution of phrases --
topic index --
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Extra info for Complexity scales and licensing in phonology
60 Marginally, one comes across instances of [d°Z] and [z] in Irish. However, they can hardly be treated as part of the phonological system. 38 Substantive complexity Let us first identify the similarities and differences between Polish and Irish obstruents. In broad phonemic terms, the two languages seem to have analogous systems of stops. Practically, this is where the surface similarities end. 61 And finally, while Polish has a fairly symmetrical system among the fricatives in terms of voicing which is also reflected in its affricates and stops, Irish has a defective system in which the voiced fricatives are highly restricted, or virtually non-existent.
G. oilceas [il´k´´s] ‘evil’, portach [p´r"tAx] ‘bog’, because they all contain noise, stopness and the high tone. On the other hand, clusters in which the differential is two elements or less must be broken up by epenthesis (21c). g. ’, dearfa ["d´ar´f´] ‘proved’, forcha ["fur´x´] ‘beetle’. g. banda ["baund´] ‘band’. (21) a. /kI r´ p´ ax/ A U h / H b. /bau n d ´/ A=A N h / c. /g´e r´ b´ ´/ A U h / The representations in (21) show that complexity, coupled with additional conditions such as the one on homorganicity, can account for Irish phonotactics.
In Ní Chiosáin (1994), the alternations illustrated above are due to spreading of the feature [±BACK] from the consonants into the nucleus. [−BACK] and [+BACK] define the palatalized and the velarized consonants respectively. Short nuclei, which are the targets of the spreading, are underspecified for backness. Ní Chiosáin proposes that the inventory of short vowels involves only three objects: two underspecified ones, that is, [I] and [E] which correspond to high and mid vowels, and a low [A] which has a phonetic variant [a/œ:] after a palatalized onset (C´a/œ:).