By Henning Andersen (Ed.)
This choice of papers consolidates the commentary that linguistic switch normally is actualized step-by-step: any structural innovation being brought, authorised, and generalized, over the years, in a single grammatical surroundings after one other, in a development that may be understood by way of connection with the markedness values and the score of the conditioning gains. The advent to the amount and a bankruptcy through Henning Andersen make clear the theoretical bases for this statement, that is exemplified and mentioned in separate chapters through Kristin Bakken, Alexander Bergs and Dieter Stein, Vit Bubenik, Ulrich Busse, Marianne Mithun, Lene Schøsler, and John Charles Smith within the gentle of knowledge from the histories of Norwegian, English, Hindi, Northern Iroquoian, and Romance. a last bankruptcy through Michael Shapiro provides a philosophical standpoint. The papers have been first provided in a workshop on “Actualization styles in Linguistic switch” on the XIV foreign convention on ancient Linguistics, Vancouver, B.C. in 1999.
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Additional info for Actualization: Linguistic Change in Progress. Papers from a Workshop Held at the 14th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Vancouver, B.C., 14 August 1999
1 Much of this vocabulary was created for specific purposes, in specific structuralist theories, and was provided with more or less precise definitions, some terms even being defined, in true structuralist fashion, in relation to other terms. But in contemporary linguistics many of these lexemes have lost their status as terms and are used as common-parlance words. Among these is the term markedness, and the correlative terms marked and unmarked, which were coined (first in Russian and German; see below) and defined by Trubetzkoy and Jakobson in 1930 (cf.
In fact, it has been known for some time that many kinds of linguistic innovation are actualized, if not in precisely this manner, at least in part along these lines. 1 Phonology In phonology, for instance, allophonic fortition occurs earlier in stops (u) than in fricatives (), earlier in coronals (u) than in back consonants () (Andersen 1972:17; cf. Zabrocki 1951, Back 1989). In velars, palatalization occurs earlier in stops (u) than in fricatives (), earlier before high (u) than before non-high () vowels, earlier before unrounded (u) than before rounded (M) vowels, earlier directly contiguous to the conditioning vowel (u) than across another segment (), earlier before (u) than after () the conditioning vowel, earlier in the narrow domain of the syllable (u) than across syllable boundaries (that is, in the wider domain of the word) (), earlier in stable environments (u) than in alternating environments (M) (cf.
2 above). Typically, for example, in the oppositions of present tense vs. preterite, the present tense may be used to refer not only to events contemporary with the speech act, but also to events prior to it (the 'present historical'), that is, its reference potential includes both the actual present and its opposite, the actual past, or, to put it differently, it serves as a generic historical tense. Phonology and morphophonemics abound in closely parallel examples. , Eng. /rayd-/ ~ /rowd-/ "ride", /nayf-/ ~ /nayv-/ "knife".