By Wahbie Long
This e-book represents the 1st try and historicise and theorise appeals for ‘relevance’ in psychology. It argues that the endurance of questions on the ‘relevance’ of psychology derives from the discipline’s terminal lack of ability to outline its material, its reliance on a socially disinterested technology to underwrite its wisdom claims, and its consequent failure to deal with itself to the wishes of a quickly altering international.
The chapters move directly to think of the ‘relevance’ debate inside South African psychology, by way of significantly analysing discourse of forty-five presidential, keynote and beginning addresses introduced at annual nationwide psychology congresses among 1950 and 2011, and observes how appeals for ‘relevance’ have been complicated through reactionary, innovative and radical psychologists alike.
The e-book provides, furthermore, the provocative thesis that the innovative quest for ‘social relevance’ that started within the Sixties has been supplanted via an ethic of ‘market relevance’ that threatens to isolate the self-discipline nonetheless farther from the anxieties of broader society. With robust curiosity teams carrying on with to co-opt psychologists with no relent, this can be a improvement that in basic terms psychologists of moral sense can arrest.
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Extra info for A History of “Relevance” in Psychology
Nationwide teachins, demonstrations, and violence culminated in the imposition of martial law in September 1972. By then, Virgilio Enriquez had just returned to the country after completing his doctorate in social psychology at Northwestern University. If anything, his American education had made him even more Filipino-centered in his teaching and research, and he set about establishing the Philippine Psychology Research House. In 1975, A HISTORY OF “RELEVANCE” 27 he chaired the First National Conference of Filipino Psychology at which the guiding principles of Sikolohiyang Pilipino (Filipino Psychology) were officially enunciated (Pe-Pua and Protacio-Marcelino 2000) and, in January of the following year, he founded the National Association for Filipino Psychology (Lagmay 1984).
79). By the mid-1960s, propelled by a now strident critique of the patent “foreignness” of Indian psychology, attempts to indigenize the discipline were under way. As it happened, Indian psychology’s indigenizing mission yielded mixed results. 64). By the 1990s, in spite of a stronger indigenizing trend that encouraged the selection of “socially relevant” research topics and variables, Indian psychology—marooned in Nandy’s “recipient culture of science” (Nandy 1974, p. 1) and its own endemic parochialism—had failed to reap the benefits of multidisciplinarity.
1996; Jahoda 1973, 1975) as the social questions in developing nations took a backseat to the theoretical preoccupations of American researchers (Tajfel 1966). Because of unidirectional economic and intellectual sponsorship, the policy of cooperative cross-cultural research proved useful neither for developing nations nor for the “organic” development of social psychology in those countries (Tajfel 1968). Consequently, by the 1970s, appeals for “social relevance” had taken root in Western Europe (Israel and Tajfel 1972), Latin America (Martín-Baró 1996), Asia (Sinha 1973), and Africa (Abdi 1975).